Category: psychology

  • 08SepHand-eye coordination at 22 months?

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    Researching on hand-eye coordination, around 5-7 they still are supposed to develop it. I found this 22 month old toddler pretty good at playing Wii-Tennis!

    Hand-eye coordination – Definition

    Hand-eye coordination is the ability of the vision system to coordinate the information received through the eyes to control, guide, and direct the hands in the accomplishment of a given task, such as handwriting or catching a ball. Hand-eye coordination uses the eyes to direct attention and the hands to execute a task.

    Description

    Vision is the process of understanding what is seen by the eyes. It involves more than simple visual acuity (ability to distinguish fine details). Vision also involves fixation and eye movement abilities, accommodation (focusing), convergence (eye aiming), binocularity (eye teaming), and the control of hand-eye coordination. Most hand movements require visual input to be carried out effectively. For example, when children are learning to draw, they follow the position of the hand holding the pencil visually as they make lines on the paper.

    From “Hand-Eye Coordination.” Encyclopedia of Children’s Health. Ed. Kristine Krapp and Jeffrey Wilson. Gale Group, Inc., 2005. eNotes.com. 2006. 8 Sep, 2007

    More description here

    .pdf of the paper


  • 01AugVideo modeling

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    Two papers on video modeling. One for pretend play with toys, one for perspective taking, both for autism. Video modeling is a way for children to observe, imitate and learn the skills and behaviors of their peers.

    Using video modeling and reinforcement to teach perspective-taking skills to children with autism by Linda A LeBlanc, Andrea M Coates, Sabrina Daneshvar, Marjorie H Charlop-Christy, Caroline Morris, and Blake M Lancaster (2003)

    Abstract

    We evaluated video modeling and reinforcement for teaching perspective-taking skills to 3 children with autism using a multiple baseline design. Video modeling and reinforcement were effective; however, only 2 children were able to pass an untrained task, indicating limited generalization. The findings suggest that video modeling may be an effective technology for teaching perspective taking if researchers can continue to develop strategies for enhancing the generalization of these new skills.

    Paper

    Using video modeling to teach pretend play to children with autism by Rebecca MacDonald, Michelle Clark, Elizabeth Garrigan, Madhuri Vangala.

    Abstract

    Children with autism often fail to develop the rich repertoires of pretend play seen in typically developing children. Video modeling is a teaching methodology that has been shown to produce rapid acquisition of a variety of skills in children with autism. The purpose of the present study was to use video modeling to teach thematic pretend play skills to two preschool children with autism. Scripted play scenarios involving up to 17 verbalizations and 15 play actions by toy figurines were videotaped using adult models. A multiple probe design within child across play sets was used to demonstrate experimental control. Children were shown the video model two times and no further prompting or reinforcement was delivered during training. Results indicated that both children acquired the sequences of scripted verbalizations and play actions quickly and maintained this performance during follow-up probes. These findings are discussed as they relate to types of play and the development of extended play repertoires in young children with autism

    Paper


  • 27JulVideo, toys and perspective taking

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    I discovered this fabulous experimental research on perspective taking by developmental psychologist Masuo Koyasu.

    Masuo Koyasu’s web site (in Japanese only).

    In the 1980s, I was interested in studying the development of perspective-taking in young children. Piaget’s “three mountains task” had demonstrated that children find it difficult to understand how something looks to a person who is in a different position from themselves. In fact, younger children exhibit a strong tendency to choose their own view when asked to indicate how an object looks to someone in another position, a tendency that Piaget called “egocentrism.” I thought there are three dimensions of egocentrism (up and down, front and back, and left and right), and that children’s difficulty in understanding different perspectives might be because they do not receive feedback about other people’s perspectives. To test this hypothesis, I conducted a series of experiments with kindergarteners.


    Figure 1. Experimental Situation
    A:Child,B:Experimenter,C:Sample Photos,D:Place to put toy animal(s),E:Three toy animals,F:Still camera or video camera

    The task in the first experiment was to face a camera set up across from them and then to arrange one to three toy animals in a way that would produce a photograph like the sample (Figure 1). Forty-three percent of the four-year-olds exhibited front and back egocentrism by placing the toy animals’ backs to the camera. That tendency had mostly disappeared among the five-year-olds and six-year-olds, but it became clear that hardly any of the four- to six-year-olds could position two or three toy animals in the correct left-to-right order. In a second experiment, I used a video camera instead of a still camera and provided video feedback, showing an image of the toy animals as viewed from the opposite side on a color CRT monitor. In the control group, which was shown only the CRT monitor, the children were able to correct their front-back egocentrism on their own but were not informed of their errors. Even in the experimental group, which received instruction and practice in correcting left-right egocentrism, the effect on their post-test results was clearly small (Figure 2).


    Figure 2. Mean number correct in each condition

    Until the age of about seven, most children facing a teacher who says, “Let’s raise our right hands” while raising his or her own right hand will raise their left hands.
    Incidentally, research into perspective-taking abilities has traditionally focused on investigating how children understand other people’s viewpoints, but I have noticed a serious limitation in the paradigm commonly used to study this. In the case of the “three mountains task,” even if children can’t directly guess the viewpoint of a person in another position, they can solve the problem by conducting a mental simulation in which they imagine that they have gone to the other person’s position, or by a type of mental rotation, in which they imagine that the object has been placed on a lazy Susan and rotated to the correct position. The lack of methodological distinctions in the perspective-taking paradigm was a major problem. As I was worrying about how to think about this problem, I encountered research into “theory of mind.” In particular, I spent ten months as a visiting scholar in the Department of Experimental Psychology at the University of Oxford from 1994 to 1995, where I had the opportunity to come into contact with the front lines of British research into cognitive development. After returning to Japan, I began studying “theory of mind,” but at that time, hardly anyone else in the country was doing so. Without intending to, I have had to carry out the role of “missionary” in the field of “theory of mind” in Japan.
    The most famous experiment in “theory of mind” is the false belief task (the so-called “Sally and Anne task”) of Josef Perner and his colleagues. “Sally puts a doll in a basket. While Sally is away, Anne takes the doll out of the basket and puts it into a box nearby. Sally then returns and the child is asked where Sally will look for her doll.” In general, three-year-olds can’t pass this task, but they become able to do so between the ages of four and six. It has also been demonstrated that even high-functioning autistic children can’t pass this task. It is odd that most young children are easily deceived by this task, which is no problem at all for adults. I have been observing the daily lives of children at a Kyoto kindergarten once a week for three years, as well as conducting developmental research, including the false belief task. As a result, I have obtained longitudinal data on “theory of mind” (Figure 3).


    Figure 3. Results of a longitudinal study of “theory of mind”

    The data presented in this figure began with 15 children, with 4 more children transferring in at the ages of four and five, for a total of 19 children at the end. Only one child regressed from being able to pass the task to failing it, but he was a boy who became extremely nervous and made mistakes in the testing situation at age five and six. The fact that I was conducting experiments on children with whom I was in contact on a daily basis made me feel that I could interpret the results more broadly.